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Oct 13 2009

“Commonly Misunderstood Concepts: Health Care” - Video by G. Stolyarov II - The Rational Argumentator

The Rational Argumentator

A Journal for Western Man

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Commonly Misunderstood Concepts: Health Care

Video

G. Stolyarov II

Issue CCXI - October 12, 2009

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Health care is not the same as health insurance, which is neither necessary nor sufficient for proper health care. Mr. Stolyarov notes that many people ignore or neglect their own role in providing health care, and misunderstandings of this term threaten many lives. Some of the fundamental problems with the Obama administration’s health care “reform” proposals are also discussed.

This video is the companion to the essay of the same name.

­­___________

G. Stolyarov II is an actuary, science fiction novelist, independent philosophical essayist, poet, amateur mathematician, composer, contributor to Enter Stage Right, Le Quebecois Libre, Rebirth of Reason, and the Ludwig von Mises Institute, Senior Writer for The Liberal Institute, former weekly columnist for GrasstopsUSA.com, and Editor-in-Chief of The Rational Argumentator, a magazine championing the principles of reason, rights, and progress. Mr. Stolyarov’s new blog, The Progress of Liberty, offers a combination of commentary, multimedia presentations, educational materials, and suggestions for effective activism in favor of individual freedom. Mr. Stolyarov also publishes his articles on Helium.com and Associated Content to assist the spread of rational ideas. He holds the highest Clout Level (10) possible on Associated Content. Mr. Stolyarov has also written a science fiction novel, Eden against the Colossus, a non-fiction treatise, A Rational Cosmology, and a play, Implied Consent. You can watch his YouTube Videos. Mr. Stolyarov can be contacted at gennadystolyarovii@yahoo.com.

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Oct 03 2009

“Commonly Misunderstood Terms: Education” - Video by G. Stolyarov II - The Rational Argumentator

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A Journal for Western Man

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Commonly Misunderstood Terms:

Education - Video:

G. Stolyarov II

Issue CCX - October 3, 2009

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Misunderstandings of the term “education” create massive societal problems where none need exist, and at the same time blind many people to genuine, but oft-overlooked problems. Mr. Stolyarov criticizes the common assumption that formal schooling is necessary and sufficient for education.

This video is a companion to an essay of the same name, which you can read here.

­­___________

essayist, poet, amateur mathematician, composer, contributor to Enter Stage Right, Le Quebecois Libre, Rebirth of Reason, and the Ludwig von Mises Institute, Senior Writer for The Liberal Institute, former weekly columnist for GrasstopsUSA.com, and Editor-in-Chief of The Rational Argumentator, a magazine championing the principles of reason, rights, and progress. Mr. Stolyarov’s new blog, The Progress of Liberty, offers a combination of commentary, multimedia presentations, educational materials, and suggestions for effective activism in favor of individual freedom. Mr. Stolyarov also publishes his articles on Helium.com and Associated Content to assist the spread of rational ideas. He holds the highest Clout Level (10) possible on Associated Content. Mr. Stolyarov has also written a science fiction novel, Eden against the Colossus, a non-fiction treatise, A Rational Cosmology, and a play, Implied Consent. You can watch his YouTube Videos. Mr. Stolyarov can be contacted at gennadystolyarovii@yahoo.com.

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This TRA feature has been edited in accordance with TRA’s Statement of Policy.

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Sep 28 2009

“Human Nature” is Tautological - Video by G. Stolyarov II - The Rational Argumentator

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“Human Nature” is Tautological - Video

G. Stolyarov II

Issue CCIX - September 28, 2009

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What is meant by the term “human nature?” In one sense, it is supremely uninformative. The “nature” of any existent can be defined simply as “that which that existent is.” References to “human nature” do not actually explain human behavior, nor do they imply that humans are universally evil or vicious.

References:
Incentives for Moral Behavior ” by G. Stolyarov II

­­___________

G. Stolyarov II is an actuary, science fiction novelist, independent philosophical essayist, poet, amateur mathematician, composer, contributor to Enter Stage Right, Le Quebecois Libre, Rebirth of Reason, and the Ludwig von Mises Institute, Senior Writer for The Liberal Institute, former weekly columnist for GrasstopsUSA.com, and Editor-in-Chief of The Rational Argumentator, a magazine championing the principles of reason, rights, and progress. Mr. Stolyarov’s new blog, The Progress of Liberty, offers a combination of commentary, multimedia presentations, educational materials, and suggestions for effective activism in favor of individual freedom. Mr. Stolyarov also publishes his articles on Helium.com and Associated Content to assist the spread of rational ideas. He holds the highest Clout Level (10) possible on Associated Content. Mr. Stolyarov has also written a science fiction novel, Eden against the Colossus, a non-fiction treatise, A Rational Cosmology, and a play, Implied Consent. You can watch his YouTube Videos. Mr. Stolyarov can be contacted at gennadystolyarovii@yahoo.com.

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This TRA feature has been edited in accordance with TRA’s Statement of Policy.

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Sep 20 2009

“An Open Letter to the Sigma Chi Fraternity at Hillsdale College, Urging a Continuation of the Jail and Bail Opt-Out List” by G. Stolyarov II - The Rational Argumentator

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An Open Letter to the Sigma Chi Fraternity

at Hillsdale College,

Urging a Continuation

of the Jail and Bail Opt-Out List

G. Stolyarov II

Issue CCVIII - September 20, 2009

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This open letter is addressed to Mr. James Bild of the Hillsdale College chapter of the Sigma Chi fraternity. Mr. Stolyarov wrote the letter after Mr. Bild refused to allow the continuation of the Jail and Bail Opt-Out List that proved so successful in minimizing campus tensions during the Sigma Chi fraternity’s Derby Days fundraising events.

Dear Mr. Bild:

I am addressing this open letter to the entire membership of the Hillsdale College chapter of the Sigma Chi fraternity – but in particular to you, as you are not only the person responsible for organizing the 2009 Sigma Chi Jail and Bail event at Hillsdale, but you also have been publicly quoted in this article as saying the following: “I don’t think that you will need to continue this new fad of having an opt-out list for Jail and Bail.” I believe that you are making a serious mistake, and I respectfully urge you to reconsider.

I am making this letter publicly available for two principal reasons: 1) because you have publicly voiced your opposition to continuing the opt-out list and 2) because your position on the opt-out list is of public significance to the students of Hillsdale College. As you are likely aware, I am the originator of the opt-out list for the Jail and Bail, whose 2008 version you can see here.  As I have graduated from Hillsdale College, I no longer stand to be personally affected by the Jail and Bail, so I hope that my present detachment from the consequences of this event will lend my arguments additional credence with you. My concern in this matter encompasses three principal areas: 1) the good name of the Sigma Chi fraternity, 2) the safety of Hillsdale College students, and 3) the principle of consent as the essential underpinning of charity and liberty alike.

I am not sure whether you are aware of just how much good will has been earned by the Sigma Chi fraternity in 2008, after the fraternity’s leadership consented to work with an independent student on a measure that satisfied all parties and ended the year-by-year escalation of the Jail and Bail to levels of increasing raucousness, compulsion, and violence. The Hillsdale Collegian runs a feature every year about the gulf in perceptions between fraternities and independents – but here was an instance where that gulf was breached and students from a wide variety of backgrounds and perspectives came together to cooperate in ensuring that the night of the Jail and Bail was safe and enjoyable for everybody.  Moreover, I received numerous comments after the 2008 Jail and Bail about how impeccably polite and civilized the Sigma Chi members were on that night. Being considerate and accommodating has certainly won the fraternity much more respect than being dismissive and confrontational ever did.

The opt-out list was a unique solution to a long-standing tension – and it was a solution that recognized every side’s perspective. On the one hand, the Sigma Chi members believe that the Jail and Bail event solicits money for a good cause and wish to preserve a long-standing tradition. On the other hand, numerous students at Hillsdale College either do not wish to support the particular charities selected by the Sigma Chi fraternity , or – which is more likely – do not wish to give money to any cause when their permission has not been asked beforehand. The essence of charity is that it must be freely given by an individual possessing the power to make an unconstrained choice either way. Many students at Hillsdale College oppose compulsory charity when the government  engages in it with taxpayer funds; why should a private entity such as Sigma Chi be allowed to exert a degree of force which, even in a government, is seen as illegitimate?

This principled aversion to compulsory giving is not an attitude held by “a few disgruntled individuals,” as your comments indicated. Last year, 136 Hillsdale students took active measures to be included in the opt-out list – well over a tenth of the Hillsdale student body. Among these individuals were many academic high-achievers and leaders of campus organizations. You can visit the page to which I referred you and see their names for yourself. This is not a group of people whom you could afford to ignore or dismiss. They will be grateful to you, however, if you demonstrate a willingness to understand and address their concerns.  

While preserving the principle of consent, the opt-out list did not unduly burden the Sigma Chi fraternity. Unlike another possible option, an opt-in list, the opt-out list gave Sigma Chi’s assumptions the benefit of the doubt. Namely, the opt-out list conceded the premise that if an individual does not take the time to submit his name via e-mail, then he probably does not hold a strong enough opposition to participating in the Jail and Bail proceedings to feel violated if he were jailed. The opt-out list left Sigma Chi with the opportunity to involve some 85-88% of students in the event without upsetting those who wished to be left alone. Moreover, as I organized the list last year, it required minimal work on the part of Sigma Chi members. They needed only to be aware of the list and to avoid abducting the individuals whose names appeared in it.

I realize, of course, that this year’s Jail and Bail – like that of last year – is not quite the same as its pre-2008 version. You were quoted in this article as saying, “This year you’re going to want to be jailed.” It has also been indicated that the “jail” will have a much more civilized and hospitable atmosphere. I welcome these developments, and I realize that they are the Sigma Chi fraternity’s way of repairing the event’s image after debacles prior to 2008. If you are successful in attracting more prospective jailees, then the measures you plan to take might certainly considerably reduce the numbers of people that sign up for an opt-out list. However, I still believe that an opt-out list is necessary. In order to understand why I think this, it is necessary to take a longer-term perspective.

Because of your conscientious efforts, it may well be the case that the Jail and Bail this year and it the coming few years will proceed without much controversy. Be that as it may, the memory of past controversies tends to fade over time. When the current Hillsdale student contingent graduates and a few more years elapse thereafter, virtually nobody will remember why the Jail and Bail needed to be made so respectable; the natural tendency of future Sigma Chi leaders – who will not be familiar with the controversy and subsequent attempts at reconciliation – will be to allow the event to re-lapse into its former, unrestrained, violent nature. The benevolence of people like yourself can only be counted on while those people are in control of the situation. In order for the Jail and Bail to be permanently civilized, an institution needs to ensure that it remains civilized. The beauty of institutions is in their independence from particular individuals. By formalizing desirable patterns of behavior, institutions give these patterns a concrete presence in the lives of individuals who did not have personal experience with how and why the desirable behaviors arose. The opt-out list has the potential to become just as deeply-rooted an institution as the Jail and Bail itself. If it did so, it would demonstrate to the world just how deeply Hillsdale students value the ideas of liberty and consent – ideas that ought to animate our lives and actions, and not just abstract discussions.

Mr. Chuck Grimmett, fortunately, is an individual of the highest integrity and competence. He has volunteered to take over the institution of the opt-out list from me, and he has three years remaining at Hillsdale. When it comes time for him to graduate, he might pass on the institution to yet another second-year student – such that it might never be said that the students of Hillsdale failed to learn from the controversies and sub-optimal arrangements of the past.  Mr. Grimmett has indicated to me that he is still willing to administer an opt-out list, if you consent to the arrangement.

I hope that what I have written here will give you much thought and will impel you to reconsider your position. I can only advise you from a distance, but I assure you that I have the best intentions in mind as far as you and Sigma Chi are concerned. I appeal to your reason and prudence and hope that you will make the right decision on this matter.

Sincerely,

Gennady Stolyarov II,

Hillsdale College Class of 2009

­­___________

G. Stolyarov II is an actuary, science fiction novelist, independent philosophical essayist, poet, amateur mathematician, composer, contributor to Enter Stage Right, Le Quebecois Libre, Rebirth of Reason, and the Ludwig von Mises Institute, Senior Writer for The Liberal Institute, former weekly columnist for GrasstopsUSA.com, and Editor-in-Chief of The Rational Argumentator, a magazine championing the principles of reason, rights, and progress. Mr. Stolyarov’s new blog, The Progress of Liberty, offers a combination of commentary, multimedia presentations, educational materials, and suggestions for effective activism in favor of individual freedom. Mr. Stolyarov also publishes his articles on Helium.com and Associated Content to assist the spread of rational ideas. He holds the highest Clout Level (10) possible on Associated Content. Mr. Stolyarov has also written a science fiction novel, Eden against the Colossus, a non-fiction treatise, A Rational Cosmology, and a play, Implied Consent. You can watch his YouTube Videos. Mr. Stolyarov can be contacted at gennadystolyarovii@yahoo.com.

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This TRA feature has been edited in accordance with TRA’s Statement of Policy.

Click here to return to TRA’s Issue CCVIII Index.

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Apr 02 2009

“Evolution: Biological, Technological, and Societal” by G. Stolyarov II - The Rational Argumentator

The Rational Argumentator

A Journal for Western Man

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Evolution: Biological, Technological, and Societal

G. Stolyarov II

Issue CXCI - April 2, 2009

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The concept of evolution is all too frequently given insufficient attention by self-proclaimed proponents of liberty. However, an understanding of biological, technological, and societal evolution – including the similarities and differences among these processes – is extremely helpful and perhaps indispensable for a full appreciation of the nature and benefits of individual liberty, free markets, and limited government.

Biological Evolution

Biological evolution is the change in the physical structure, processes, and functionality of organisms over the span of generations. Biological evolution does not occur on an individual level, but rather on the level of populations and often entire species; the accumulated changes constituting biological evolution can result in the formation of entirely new species over hundreds of thousands and millions of years. Indeed, contemporary understandings of evolution hold that all living organisms are related and share a common ancestor. Evolution can explain the greater genetic similarity of certain species to certain others by pointing out that those species shared common ancestors in the more proximate past. The driving force of biological evolution is natural selection. Certain traits allow individuals to survive to reproductive age more reliably and therefore to pass those traits on to their genetic offspring. Biological evolution does not itself create the traits that are more suited to a given environment; those traits arise randomly as a result of genetic mutations. The overwhelming majority of these mutations are deleterious to an organism’s survival, but on occasion a mutation arises that facilitates superior adaptation. The organisms exhibiting this mutation then become more prominent and widespread within their population or species.

Technological Evolution

Technological evolution is the change in the machines, infrastructure, and methods of communication used by human beings. The generating force of technological evolution is invention by individual humans or by intentional collaborative human efforts where a division of labor exists. Subsequently, technologies are adopted or fall into disuse based on commercial selection – the process determining acceptance within a market of buyers or users. Consumers judge technologies based on their ability to fulfill the consumers’ goals as individuals or to adequately perform in the production of still other goods. As new technologies are developed, they frequently displace older technologies that were intended to accomplish a similar role but did so less efficiently – that is, they did not accomplish the goal in question as quickly or with the same level of quality. Although the human biological makeup has remained approximately the same throughout recorded history, technological developments have been able to dramatically alter, improve, and lengthen human lives and well-being during the past ten millennia. Unlike biological evolution, technological evolution occurs on a scale that is perceptible by individual human beings. Moreover, the rate of technological evolution has dramatically accelerated since about 1750.

Societal Evolution

Societal evolution is the change in human institutions – including political systems, cultural practices, worldviews, languages, ethical norms, forms of art, and economic interactions. Societal evolution, at its most fundamental level, is driven by individual choices made during day-to-day life. However, those choices are often influenced and conditioned in substantial ways by institutions which were the result of prior societal evolution. Most individuals in most societies choose to simply mimic existing macroscopic institutionally suggested societal arrangements rather than developing their own or even incrementally improving upon the status quo. Thus, the majority of large-scale societal evolution occurs due to the efforts of a relative handful of individuals in any field of endeavor. These can include authors, major artists, politicians, successful entrepreneurs, and philosophical or religious figures. However, advanced societies also exhibit subcultures or niches in which any given individual’s barriers to influencing behavior within the group are much lower. In smaller niches, each individual can be a considerable influence on societal evolution, and the resulting state of the niche can also exert some degree of influence upon the larger society.

The scale of societal evolution, like that of technological evolution, can be perceived by individual humans in most cases. However, while technological innovations feed on one another to generate an accelerating rate of evolution, the pace of societal evolution is more variable and differs when we consider various aspects of society. Some social norms and behaviors can change dramatically in a matter of days or weeks; consider, for instance, the popularity of certain songs, movies, and “bestseller” books. On the other hand, much slower evolution – on a scale of centuries to millennia – can occur in such institutions as languages, the layout of roads, the set of esthetic works generally thought to be “high culture,” and ethical norms. The rate of societal evolution may have been accelerated by recent improvements in communication technology – although any impression of this may be due more to the greater ability to be aware of evolutionary changes among various societies and social subgroups as well as to record those changes, which might have gone unnoticed in the past.

Figure 1. Summary Table of the Attributes of Biological, Technological, and Societal Evolution

Characteristic

Type of Evolution

Biological

Technological

Societal

Generating force

Mutation

Invention

Individual innovation

Driving force

Natural selection

Commercial selection

Individual choices conditioned by institutions

Pace of change

Excruciatingly slow – hundreds of thousands and millions of years

Rapid and accelerating – years in the single digits

Variable – from millennia to days

Spontaneous orders

Yes

Yes

Yes

Decentralized

Yes

Yes

Yes

Uncertainty of outcome

Yes

Yes

Yes

Progressive

No

Yes

Occasionally

Individuals can benefit from their own

No

Yes

Yes

Planned

No – except occasionally by humans

Yes

Occasionally

Man-generated

Occasionally

Yes

Yes

Loser is eliminated

Yes – losing organisms are eliminated.

Losing technologies are frequently eliminated.

Losing organisms are not eliminated.

Losing institutions are occasionally eliminated.

Losing organisms are not eliminated, except in societal devolution.

Acquired traits can be passed on

No

Yes

Yes

Found in uncivilized nature

Yes

No

Rarely

Upper limit on possibilities

Yes

No

No

Persistent flaws

Yes

No

Yes – for now

Resists change

Yes

No

Yes

Change generates further change

Yes

Yes

Yes

Interrelated

Yes

 

Figure 1 presents a table where some of the aspects of the three kinds of evolution are compared and contrasted. We shall now delve into these attributes in greater depth.

Evolution, Spontaneous Order, and Uncertainty of Outcomes

All three kinds of evolution are spontaneous orders; the process and the entire results of evolution cannot be controlled, arranged, or even predicted by a single entity. Entities from atoms to human beings participate in evolutionary processes by following certain rules – be they the rules of molecular biology, the laws of physics and the principles of engineering design, or the laws of economics and the inclinations of self-interest. In following these rules, the participant entities generate a macroscopic outcome that is much larger than any of them – indeed, an outcome that may be beyond the ability of a participant entity to perceive and be aware of. No biological organism seeks to bring about new species formation in its attempts to obtain nourishment, escape predators, and reproduce. Likewise, the inventor of a new technology most often does not grasp the full range of economic and societal consequences his invention will have. Moreover, the originators of new social paradigms rarely, if ever, can grasp how their paradigms will interact with already existing paradigms and with paradigms that are yet to come. Neither with technological evolution nor with societal evolution is it possible to exhaustively and comprehensively predict who will use an innovation and how. With biological evolution, the long-term distribution of particular traits within populations and species are likewise difficult to predict, because natural selection is capricious; it does not favor the same traits in the same conditions. Radical and sudden environmental changes may come to favor a previously ill-adapted set of traits.

Evolution and Progress

Not all kinds of evolution are progressive, where progress can be defined as an improvement in the well-being, safety, and opportunities available to individual organisms – particularly intelligent ones such as humans. Biological evolution is notoriously non-progressive; it does not have any mechanisms for ensuring individual survival. Indeed, once an individual has reached reproductive age, reproduced, and reared offspring to near-maturity, biological evolution has no more regard for him, her, or it. As far as that individual’s survival is concerned, it is irrelevant to biological evolution. For this reason, many individual organisms have evolved decent self-preservation mechanisms prior to reproductive age; humans and other mammals do not senesce prior to reproductive age and generally have strong immune systems to protect themselves from disease until they reach the age when they can be expected to have near-mature offspring. Once the genes are passed on, however, the individual who passed them on is no longer necessary to the perpetuation his, her, or its genome. Thus, few mechanisms of natural selection operate to select for traits that preserve that individual after successful reproduction and upbringing have taken place.

Moreover, biological evolution does not even have built-in protections for the survival and advancement of entire species and lines of descent. There have been numerous observed evolutionary “dead ends,” where natural selection’s results were the destruction of an entire gene pool because of its lack of adaptations to certain environmental conditions – including bizarre and sudden environmental changes. Numerous times during the Earth’s history, more complex species with more advanced functionality have been wiped out and supplanted by more primitive species with less intelligence and fewer abilities.

Nor is societal evolution necessarily progressive. History is replete with examples of societies that have lost rights and freedoms hitherto enjoyed by their members. Moreover, commonly held esthetic tastes have decayed over time in many historical and contemporary societies. The English language is currently far more rigid and less receptive to innovation than it was during the era of Shakespeare and Marlowe. Other deleterious changes – such as the decrease in prevailing attention spans and increasing audience passivity – have characterized certain periods of 20th-century Western history. In academic disciplines, including economics, philosophy, and political theory, it is not infrequent that more truthful and accurate theories and ideas are abandoned it favor of fanciful, flawed, and even dangerous mental constructs.  The 20th century, in general, exhibited numerous instances of both social progress and massive social decay. On the one hand, decreasing racism and religious intolerance in the West were clear signs of progress; on the other hand, the horrors of the two World Wars, the massive growth in government power, and rampant inflation epidemics were just some of the counter-progressive tendencies of the 20th century. Societal evolution can be progressive – especially over longer-term intervals, as the immense general moral improvement and increases in cultural variety, political freedom, and individual choice during the past millennium have shown. However, there is no guarantee of societal progress during any term within the lifetime of an individual. While a person born in 1940 has certainly witnessed tremendous societal progress during his life, a person living from 1870 to 1940 would beg to differ.

Of the three kinds of evolution, technological evolution is the only consistently progressive one. Even as the world engaged in brutal carnage, punctuated by unprecedented economic crises, during the first half of the 20th century, technological progress continued to occur and to accelerate. Technological evolution is progressive because technological improvements build on one another. Existing innovations make it easier to develop new ones, because they economize on the labor, information gathering, communication costs, and other transaction costs required to do so. Existing computers, vehicles, and factory automata can considerably speed up the production of other technologies of their kind. While institutional and cultural factors can certainly affect the rate of technological progress, it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to reverse. The knowledge of how to materialize a particular technological design is relatively easy to spread once it is originated; even if a widespread, coordinated effort to suppress technological innovation arises, somebody, somewhere will be able to learn how to create the needed technologies and will be able to actualize this knowledge.

Individuals – particularly individual humans – can benefit from their own technological and societal evolution, but not from their own biological evolution. Biological evolution occurs at an intergenerational level, and the individual’s only role in it is that of passing on a genetic code. 

Human Planning of Evolution

At present, human beings have only limited control over planning the course of biological evolutionary processes. With selective breeding and genetic engineering, as well as the alteration of the environments in which non-human organisms exist, it is possible to exercise some manner of indirect guidance of biological evolutionary processes. But there are still many traits that humans can neither engineer nor eliminate in themselves or in other organisms. Technology may, however, soon develop to a point where a greater degree of human oversight over biological evolution can become possible. By far the majority of instances of biological evolution are not man-generated or planned by humans; they occur due to the impersonal processes of mutation and natural selection that have existed for billions of years.

Virtually all technological evolution is planned, in the sense that inventors and entrepreneurs deliberately introduce particular technologies into particular markets. However, while the elements of the evolution can be consciously designed and introduced, the consequences and interactions of these elements are virtually impossible to predict by any human being.

Societal evolution, like technological evolution, is man-generated, in the sense that humans and their actions are responsible for every component of societal evolution. However, societal evolution is much harder to plan than technological evolution; no one person, for instance, designed the first monetary systems, or any language, or even the majority of the groundwork for political and economic systems throughout history. Moreover, no individual, committee, or government can be said to have originated ethical, cultural, or esthetic norms – although many philosophers, politicians, and artists have influenced these norms in a gradual, incremental fashion. There are virtual no inventors for societal institutions, but there are piecewise tinkerers; there are also revolutionaries who tear down existing institutions without replacing them with viable alternatives – but these are most often the drivers of societal devolution. 

Nonetheless, there can be a modicum of planning involved in societal evolution – as, for instance, with the influence of major philosophers, constitutional drafters, and paradigm creators in esthetic and academic disciplines. The effectiveness of this level of planning, however, is much rarer for cultural and political institutions than it is for technologies.

Status of the Loser in Evolution

In biological evolution, the losing individuals and species – the ones that do not withstand natural selection pressures – are eliminated. From this fact arises the notorious “law of the jungle” – the characterization of destructive competition in uncivilized nature.

In technological evolution, however, the losing organisms are not eliminated; the proponents of earlier, now obsolete technologies will most often simply adopt the newer, more efficient technologies. Earlier technologies, however, are most often displaced and assume the status of museum relics and curiosities. This was the fate of the horse-and-buggy, the biplane, and the 486 computer processor. Sometimes less advanced earlier technologies coexist with more advanced later ones over time – as has happened with the communications media, for instance – but this is not generally the case and may be due in part to imperfect substitution among the various communication technologies and in part to ingrained habits within certain segments of the population, which will no longer predominate as demographics shift.

In societal evolution, losing organisms are also not eliminated – unless severe instances of societal devolution, including wars, government crackdowns, and waves of crime, occur. Losing ideas and institutions are also seldom eliminated when they are displaced from prominence. In societies, there is always a market for niche ideas, habits, and organizational structures that can coexist with their different, more dominant counterparts. This is particularly true of more advanced societies which tolerate different philosophical, religious, esthetic, and political modes of expression. One’s candidate for office might be defeated, but one’s political ideology might not be affected by this. And if the majority of museum-goers begin to favor the paintings of Picasso, one is still free to enjoy the work of Vermeer and to have it within relatively easy access. It is possible for an institution to die out if it falls into sufficient disuse; there are numerous dead languages, political systems, and social customs. But, as a general rule, a societal institution that loses a contest against a rival will generally retain some sway in at least the intermediate-term future. When societal institutions die, it is due more to atrophy than to any revolutionary change.

Passing on of Acquired Traits

In biological evolution, it is impossible for organisms to pass on traits they acquired during their lifetimes. Rather, all the traits they will ever pass on are encoded in their genomes. By contrast, technological and societal evolution both allow individuals to learn new skills and habits during their lifetimes and teach it to their biological offspring as well as their friends, acquaintances, and associates. This capability makes technological and societal evolution far more adaptable and resilient than biological evolution. The individual does not need to perish if he has insufficient technological and societal skills and knowledge; rather, he can learn and improve himself in a way in which he cannot yet improve his own genome.

Evolution in Uncivilized Nature and in Civilization

Evolution in uncivilized nature – nature unaffected by humans – is almost exclusively of the biological kind. Non-human organisms do not engage in technological evolution; when they use rudimentary technologies – for instance, for the construction of dams and nests – they do not improve on their methods over time. It is possible to occasionally see traces of societal evolution in the societies of more advanced animals – but this, too, is quite rare, and it seldom survives past a generation. If a group of chimpanzees establish a pattern for more effective societal cooperation and organization, their grandchildren are unlikely to remember or replicate it. 

Biological evolution, due to its lack of sufficient flexibility and intelligent guidance, has built-in upper limits. Because the status of organisms’ past reproduction and offspring development is irrelevant to biological evolution, the chances of mutation and natural selection alone favoring extremely long-lived or functionally immortal creatures are extremely small – even though one such immortal species, the jellyfish Turritopsis nutricula, is known to exist.  Moreover, random mutation is an extremely slow and unreliable way of generating superior environmental adaptations. Inventing new technologies has given humans the ability to survive in flight, in undersea travel, and in outer space – as well as to travel and communicate orders of magnitude faster than any unaided biological organism. Societal evolution has given humans institutions that enable peaceful cooperation and exchange of ideas unlike any that exists in uncivilized nature. With technological and societal evolution, humans have – at least partially – taken their future into their own hands and made themselves far more adaptable and resilient than any other living creature.

Flaws, Change, Interrelations, and Evolution

Both biological and societal evolution are marred by persistent flaws. Aside from the deleterious nature of most mutations, it is instructive to note that over 99.9% of all species that ever existed are now extinct – and the overwhelming majority of these extinctions were not caused by humans. Biological evolution is brutal in the collateral damage it inflicts, and it is utterly wasteful with resources and lives; truly, the delay in time and the method of “producing” better organisms that biological evolution employs are among the least efficient processes conceivable. The case for “intelligent design” of biological organisms falls flat on its face when we consider that it would be a supreme insult to any allegedly omnipotent, omniscient deity to suggest that he/she/it designed biological organisms and their interactions to be the way they are. Moreover, biological evolution frequently has strong component forces that resist beneficial changes. Many organisms in uncivilized nature seek actively to eliminate their more capable and otherwise better-adapted counterparts. Consider, for instance, what would happen if a pack of fire ants attacked any large, advanced mammal. To show the defects of both biological and societal evolution, consider also what would have happened in most Paleolithic hunter-gatherer tribes to an intellectual, inventive member who relished the pleasures of tinkering with sticks and stones rather than the macho excitement of the hunt. 

Societal evolution’s flaws are evidenced by the tremendous waste of human lives and resources that many institutions – including most wars, governments, and religions, as well as many customs, superstitions, and expectations – bring about.  Moreover, less efficient and beneficial human institutions often put forth fierce, even violent, resistance to attempts at progress and improvement. The fates of Socrates, Galileo, Giordano Bruno, and most dissenters in totalitarian states testify to this tendency.

Technological evolution, on the other hand, is a process whose efficiency and rapidity are constantly on the rise and where, every step of the way, humans endeavor to minimize waste. Unlike biological and societal evolution, technological evolution does not resist change. New technologies are typically rapidly adopted and refined to bring about higher quality and lower cost. Technological innovation is much easier to implement and distribute than innovations in social, cultural, and political norms – in part because most people are not as closely wedded to particular technological methods as they are to their favored societal institutions. 

In every kind of evolution, change generates further change. The emergence of new biological structures often serves to enable others still – as, for instance, with the evolution of the eye. Likewise, societal innovations inspire still others – as occurs regularly in art, philosophy, and politics. Technological improvements can often serve as components in still others – and the improvements in efficiency due to an earlier stage of progress are often necessary to make a later stage possible.

It is also important to remember that all three kinds of evolution are interrelated and affect one another. Technologies often enable particular societal institutions and change the incentives to adopt some and reject others. Societal evolution conditions the preferences of consumers for particular technologies over others. Biological evolution can often interfere with technological progress – as exemplified by the emergence of certain strains of bacteria immune to early antibiotics. Likewise, technological evolution can condition biological evolution through selective breeding, genetic engineering, and alterations to the environments of humans and non-humans alike. Societal evolution includes the development of attitudes toward technologies and ways of interacting with other biological organisms and thus often conditions the ways in which people approach scientific endeavors and even evolution itself.

Evolution and Liberty

Understanding biological, technological, and societal evolution can be crucial to a full appreciation of liberty – itself an emergent evolutionary phenomenon. Environments in which freedom can be effectively enforced and maintained require certain evolved societal and technological underpinnings, which bring about power symmetries among as many individuals and parties as possible, preventing any of them from oppressing the others. A fixed, static, unchanging, and unchangeable natural order dictated by a deity is not easy to reconcile with liberty, because if the structure of that order is already determined and knowable, then there is little room for innovation, experimentation, and progress. In that case, the liberty to act according to one’s choice is easy to jettison and replace by the specious “liberty” of only doing what is “right” by the definition of some political or religious authority. If there is nothing new under the sun, then why not force everyone to conform to the “best” ways of old? This view, of course, is a recipe for carnage, persecution, and mass poverty. Liberty is needed for individuals to discover the truth and to progress to something better than a nasty, brutish, and short primitive subsistence.

Liberty can be seen as the ability to participate in a multitude of evolutionary processes where the rules of selection are as non-punitive and non-destructive as possible. Instead of the brutal elimination-based approach of biological competition, selection of what happens in the future can be done by the far more gentle market competition, where the loser is, to paraphrase Ludwig von Mises, merely relegated to a more humble position in the division of labor. Likewise, instead of resigning themselves to the individually non-beneficial and wasteful forces of biological evolution, humans can rely more on the extraordinary abilities that technological evolution gives them to transform the world around them for the improvement of their lives.

An appreciation of all kinds of evolution also enables us to understand the limitations of overarching central planning. An impossibly omnipotent god who “designs” all life is only a step removed from a king, dictator, or government committee with similar pretensions of “designing” societies, cultures, and even virtuous conduct.  If such amazingly complex structures as living organisms have all been designed – then, surely, the ability to design any other aspect of existence is merely a matter of degree of ability. While many advocates of intelligent design would here invoke the severe limitations of human beings as compared to their god of choice, this is not an argument for liberty that can sustain scrutiny, because many of those same flawed human beings claim to accurately know what their god of choice is and what he/she/it wants them to do. Surely, if knowing the will of a god is accessible to humans, then so is the ability to design and regulate a society from the top down – a much humbler endeavor.

Evolution provides an alternative to design theories of existence. Even technological evolution – the kind most amenable to deliberate planning and engineering – is still immensely decentralized and lacks virtually any central coordination by a governing body or person. Technological, biological, and societal evolution and their byproducts are all examples of what Friedrich Hayek would call cosmos – or an emergent order – as opposed to taxis, or a centrally planned order akin to the arrangement of pieces on a chessboard. Emergent orders do not admit full comprehension – much less control – and the recognition that we ourselves are such emergent orders is sure to deliver a firm blow to the agendas of those who wish to restrict and regulate the non-coercive actions of the sovereign individual.

­­___________

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Apr 01 2009

“Against Pop-Conservatism” by G. Stolyarov II - The Rational Argumentator

The Rational Argumentator

A Journal for Western Man

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Against Pop-Conservatism

G. Stolyarov II

Issue CXI - April 1, 2009

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A disturbing and dangerous ideological turn has overtaken a large portion of the American conservative movement during the past several decades and – more precipitously – during the past few years. This combination of anti-intellectualism, religious zealotry and intolerance, the desire to micro-regulate the personal lives of millions of Americans, and the abandonment of the ideas of individual liberty, limited government, and free markets can best be called pop-conservatism – characterized as it is by a populist appeal to the masses rather than a sophisticated appeal to the intelligent layman.

Some, though by no means all, of pop-conservatism’s representatives occupy leadership roles in media, politics, and religion. Television commentators such as Bill O’Reilly and Sean Hannity, editorial writers like Ann Coulter, political candidates like Sarah Palin, religious figures like Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson, and even former Presidents such as George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush can be characterized as pop-conservatives. Pop-conservatism currently dominates the platforms and methods of the majority of Republican Party candidates and officials; indeed, it can safely be said that the Republican Party has become, perhaps irremediably, the party of pop-conservatism.

Here, the major elements of pop-conservatism and their dangers shall be identified, and remedies to this movement shall be proposed. If individual liberty is to be preserved against a massive growth of regulations and restrictions, it is imperative that the name of freedom does not become tainted by association with an agenda that is antithetical to it.

Anti-Intellectualism

Pop-conservatism represents a distinct departure from earlier more sophisticated strains of conservative thought represented by thinkers such as Russell Kirk, Richard Weaver, Allan Bloom, C. S. Lewis, and William F. Buckley, Jr. Moreover, pop-conservatism is practically antithetical to the ideas of such intellectual free-market thinkers as Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek, Murray Rothbard, Ayn Rand, Milton Friedman, and Ron Paul. Neither the former set of more “traditional” conservatives – whom we shall call the serious conservatives – nor the latter set of advocates of free markets and individual liberty – whom, despite the somewhat simplistic terminology that this would require, we shall call the serious libertarians – would at all welcome the pop-conservative emergence.

Whatever their differences, earlier strains of serious 20th-century conservatism and libertarianism were alike in a desire to elevate the positive and normative understanding of the world exhibited by the general public. Major arms of serious conservative and libertarian movements have been profoundly intellectual in their efforts to inform the general public’s understanding of history, culture, economics, philosophy, and political theory.

Pop-conservatism does the exact opposite of uplifting the general public. Rather, it intellectually descends to the level of the lowest common denominator in order to garner votes, attendance at rallies, large audiences for radio and televisions shows, and readership from an insufficiently educated and sophisticated demographic. The verbal encapsulation of this approach can be found in Sarah Palin’s September 30, 2008, statement that “It’s time that normal Joe six-pack American is finally represented in the position of vice presidency…” In effect, Palin was proudly claiming to be no better than her constituents – as a result of which it would make no sense for her constituents to delegate to her any manner of political power, since they could have personally accomplished the objectives for which such power would be delegated just as well as or better than Sarah Palin could.

The very designation of “Joe Six-Pack” is not only profoundly insulting, but it perpetuates pride in a self-destructive, mindless cultural image that has done damage to large segments of the American population. A Joe Six-Pack is by definition a person of no distinction – no great accomplishments, no noble aspirations, no extraordinary abilities or virtues. He is just “the average Joe.” What human being with a shred of dignity would wish to be called this? Moreover, a Joe Six-Pack is intemperate in his alcohol consumption, indolent, not particularly eloquent, and often anti-intellectual himself; he holds a snide contempt for people of learning – the “sophisticates” of this world; he holds prejudices against cosmopolitan culture and toleration and against the exhibition of universal decency toward all human beings irrespective of their race, religion, or ethnicity. A Joe Six-Pack is a localist by mentality, who is almost obsessively fearful of the unusual, the foreign, the “folks who ain’t from around here.”  In some incarnations, a Joe Six-Pack also exhibits a frightening degree of machismo – a relishing of violence, of “blood, sweat, and tears” sacrifice, and a contempt for all intellectual matters and white-collar “paper-pushing” work as the occupation of effeminate “pansies.” Never mind that the “pansies” by this definition have included all the great philosophers, scientists, inventors, and entrepreneurs of history – the creators of all human civilization!

To demolish the Joe Six-Pack stereotype as dangerous and destructive is not to insult lower-income Americans. Rather, it is to suggest that virtually all lower-income Americans can do better than to follow the Joe Six-Pack role model, and indeed many of them have done better. The tragedy of pop-conservatism is that it greatly underrates the intellectual capacities of its audience, which, with a modicum of guidance and instruction, can understand advanced political and economic concepts that are crucial to the functioning of a free society. Many of the speeches of Grover Cleveland, Calvin Coolidge, and even Ronald Reagan show that it is possible to popularize sophisticated ideas without diluting them or diminishing those ideas’ influence. Unfortunately, the pop-conservatives’ approach has entirely jettisoned the more refined arguments propagated by these statesmen of the past. 

Abandonment of Liberty, Free Markets, and Limited Government

Among the consequences of the pop-conservatives’ anti-intellectualism is the virtual abandonment of ideas which, in the not too distant past, were at least affiliated with the “conservative movement” in the United States. These ideas include the maximal liberty of the individual from government interference, the limitation of government size, and the desirability of free, unhampered markets in goods and ideas. One of the primary reasons for these ideas’ abandonment is that they require a well-developed intellectual groundwork to understand and appreciate. The entire case for liberty is non-particularist; it does not depend on any given set of individual preferences or goals, and by itself it does not guarantee the fulfillment of any individual preference or goal. Rather, liberty sets in motion systemic tendencies that facilitate improved non-coercive preference fulfillment for virtually everyone, while minimizing harmful interference with every individual’s attempts at flourishing. One of the characteristics of a non-intellectual or anti-intellectual mindset is the inability to conceive of any regularities beyond immediately perceptible events and stereotypical “common wisdom” and any means beyond the most direct for the attainment of one’s goals. The pop-conservatives and their constituents have exhibited this deficiency in their abandonment of support for liberty and their replacement of it with particularist agendas to enshrine their own moral values by a combination of legislative fiat and private coercive actions.   

Even when the rhetoric of liberty and free markets is not dropped by the pop-conservatives, the substance and the understanding of these ideas is. The best illustration of this tendency at work can be found in the George W. Bush administration (2001-2009), which has enacted unprecedented growth in both federal spending and federal power – even when foreign policy is excluded from consideration – despite its nominally “free-market” platform. The Bush administration was quintessentially pop-conservative in its lack of hesitation in spending vast amounts of government money to directly achieve particularist goals – evidenced by anything from massive government contributions to “faith-based organizations” to Bush’s support of a then unprecedented economic bailout. No person who truly understands the principles of the free market would believe that the survival of particular firms or business models is necessary to “save” an economy or keep it prosperous; rather, a free-market advocate would trust the spontaneous order of billions of human interactions to generate an outcome that is much more consistent with the flourishing of every individual than a centrally coordinated plan could ever be. Although they sometimes employ free-market rhetoric, pop-conservatives are only fair-weather friends of liberty. They will unhesitatingly enact colossal infringements on freedom when they consider their particular preferences to be threatened by the free association of individuals.

Moreover, when they personally assume power, the pop-conservatives do not act as limited-government proponents. Rather, they most often consider themselves to have the prerogative to do whatever is not explicitly forbidden – and even some of that which is forbidden. Consider, for instance, George W. Bush’s notorious use of presidential signing statements, through which he blatantly announced that he would interpret laws contrary to their letter and to the intention of their authors – and even at times declared that he would not enforce certain parts of bills he himself signed. Or consider Sarah Palin’s infamous remark as mayor of Wasilla, Alaska, to a city council member upon spending $50,000 of city funds to redecorate her own office: “I’m the mayor, I can do whatever I want until the courts tell me I can’t.” Pop-conservatives do not believe that the limitations on government power should apply to themselves when they hold office; quite frequently, pop-conservatives merely use the rhetoric of limited government to gain support from a constituency that is somewhat sympathetic to such ideas. Once elected, however, the same people do not hesitate to outspend and out-regulate the more intellectually honest open advocates of government growth on the left.    

The most recent Republican Presidential ticket of John McCain and Sarah Palin illustrated clearly just how far pop-conservatism has pervaded the approach of the Republican Party and the sympathies of much of the Republican electorate. McCain, despite a half-hearted advocacy of tax cuts and liberalization of oil drilling, spoke out in strong support of the TARP bailouts, carbon taxes and cap-and-trade schemes to ineffectually reduce fictitious anthropogenic global warming, more government spending to foster “voluntary” community service, greater government interventions in the health care system, and a promise that “there will be more wars,” while existing foreign entanglements might have to be kept up for 100 years or more! Palin demonstrated complete ignorance of the Constitution’s limitations on government power when she suggested that the Vice President was given “strong” powers by that document; moreover, she showed an egregious lack of historical knowledge when she said of the Pledge of Allegiance, “If it was good enough for the founding fathers, it’s good enough for me.”

A favorite tactic of the pop-conservatives is to claim that they support the free market “in general” and are even “disappointed” in “having” to advocate government intervention in the present situation, but this time the free market and individual liberty alone cannot save the situation. Of course, this pseudo-pragmatism is exhibited not just every now and then, but constantly, because the present is always “this time” at which free-market principles allegedly need to be abandoned. When examining the policy records of such pop-conservatives as McCain, both Bushes, and Palin, one rarely sees a time when specious considerations of expediency did not trump freedom. 

Religious Zealotry and Intolerance

A hallmark of pop-conservatism is an increasing attempt to introduce a militant religiosity into public discourse and government policy, as well as a rabid intolerance for large groups of people who do not share the highly particular religious sentiments of the pop-conservatives – including atheists, gays and lesbians, immigrants, civil and political libertarians, most intellectuals, academicians, scientists, and secular philosophers, the always conveniently unspecified “liberals,” and even those “softly” religious Americans who prefer to maintain modest, private, and somewhat flexible forms of worship.  

Much of this intolerance is bolstered and justified by two principal arguments: 1) that religious belief is required for individual morality and liberty to exist, and 2) that American society was founded on Christian principles. Both arguments are encapsulated in George H. W. Bush’s 1987 statement, “I don’t know that atheists should be considered as citizens, nor should they be considered patriots. This is one nation under God.” The refutation of the first claim is easy; it requires the virtually ubiquitous observation of even one atheist acting morally on a consistent basis. A more in-depth set of arguments against the claim that religion is needed for morality can be found in my essay, “Morality Does Not Require Religion.”

To refute the second claim, it is necessary only to observe that the U. S. Constitution does not contain a single reference to God, with the exception of “the year of Our Lord,” which was the 18th century’s equivalent of today’s commonly used abbreviation AD (anno domini) – a device most people use casually without thinking of God or religion at all. Moreover, the Declaration of Independence refers not to any set of Christian religious beliefs, but rather to a “Creator” and “Nature’s God,” which would be perfectly consistent with any religious system – including a deistic one. Finally, the American Founders were a highly religiously diverse body of people who were united only in their aversion to the government imposing religious practices upon individuals. Thomas Jefferson, the author of the Declaration and a deist, wrote, “[I]t does me no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods or no God. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg.“ He also noted that “Millions of innocent men, women and children, since the introduction of Christianity, have been burnt, tortured, fined and imprisoned; yet we have not advanced one inch towards uniformity.” Indeed, Jefferson cautioned that “History… furnishes no example of a priest-ridden people maintaining a free civil government. This marks the lowest grade of ignorance of which their civil as well as religious leaders will always avail themselves for their own purposes.” James Madison was also strongly opposed to the union of church and state and to government religious imposition. He noted, “During almost fifteen centuries has the legal establishment of Christianity been on trial. What have been its fruits?  More or less, in all places, pride and indolence in the clergy; ignorance and servility in the laity; in both, superstition, bigotry and persecution.” He also remarked that “Religious bondage shackles and debilitates the mind and unfits it for every noble enterprise.” John Adams, too, was privately extremely skeptical of religion in general and wrote to Jefferson, “I almost shudder at the thought of alluding to the most fatal example of the abuses of grief which the history of mankind has preserved– the Cross. Consider what calamities that engine of grief has produced!” 

The pop-conservatives’ claims that religion is required for morality are not only intellectually feeble; they are also convenient enablers for intolerant treatment of individuals who do not share the pop-conservatives’ religious beliefs. After all, if these people disagree on religious matters with the pop-conservatives, they cannot be moral, and so they are not quite on the same level of humanity as those who think rightly. This attitude is characteristic of such organizations as the now dead Jerry Falwell’s Moral Majority, Pat Robertson’s Christian Coalition, and James Dobson’s Focus on the Family. One of Falwell’s remarks – the attribution of blame for the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks to groups of whose lifestyles and beliefs Falwell disapproved – is typical of pop-conservative religious intolerance: “I really believe that the pagans, and the abortionists, and the feminists, and the gays and the lesbians who are actively trying to make that an alternative lifestyle, the ACLU, People For the American Way — all of them who have tried to secularize America — I point the finger in their face and say ‘you helped this happen.’” Likewise, the aggressive religious intolerance of pop-conservatives translates into foreign policy, as evidenced by Ann Coulter’s recommendation with regard to the Middle East that We should invade their countries, kill their leaders and convert them to Christianity.” The pop-conservatives’ attitude toward religion mimics the attitudes held by the Crusaders and the Spanish Inquisition; it is certainly not a consistent view of Christianity as the religion of peace and love that more level-headed Christians claim it to be.

Invective Instead of Argument

Pop-conservatives have also been responsible for the precipitous decline in the art of serious, thoughtful argumentation on the political right. Instead of presenting a structured, logical, well-supported case for their ideas, pop-conservatives far too often launch into hate-filled diatribes against individuals and groups whom they dislike or which disagree with them. This approach is typical of radio talk-show hosts and television commentators such as Rush Limbaugh, Michael Savage, Sean Hannity, and Bill O’Reilly. These individuals have been known to insult their guests, cut off opposing arguments with crude statements of “Shut up!”, and utter statements of unapologetic bigotry against entire large groups of individuals. Consider, for instance, a statement of O’Reilly’s addressed to all homosexuals: “That’s my advice to all homosexuals, whether they’re in the Boy Scouts, or in the Army or in high school: Shut up, don’t tell anybody what you do, your life will be a lot easier.” Surely, this is not a sophisticated argument; there are no premises, no evidence, no appeal to universal values. O’Reilly’s comment here is a mixture of insult and intimidation; it has no place in serious discourse. Limbaugh, too, has frequently descended to a similar level of invective; he has referred to American soldiers who have served in Iraq but opposed the Iraq occupation as “the phony soldiers” and has even boasted of his machismo, crudeness, and intolerance: “We’re not sexists, we’re chauvinists — we’re male chauvinist pigs, and we’re happy to be because we think that’s what men were destined to be. We think that’s what women want.”

The increased prevalence of vitriol and ad hominem attacks in pop-conservative circles can be explained by pop-conservatism’s shift from the earlier conservatism’s universal principles to identity politics – precisely the approach that many pop-conservatives accuse the Left of pursuing. Pop-conservatism cultivates an “us-versus-them” view of political issues – consistent with a polylogist, class-warfare-based perspective of the world. By contrast, earlier conservatives and libertarians advocated a “pursuit of truth” view of political discourse – where, through intelligent, civil discussion and argumentation, it is possible to get all people to agree on what the best courses of action are. In the pop-conservatives’ judgment, the “good guys” are the “Joe Six-Pack” Caucasian American-born heterosexual Christians who exhibit certain attitudes toward life, participate in certain economic arrangements, and maintain a “tough” and “manly” spirit which is often mistakenly thought to embody American or even Western civilization – and everyone else is the “enemy,” incapable of being persuaded by argument and only worthy of being dealt with via mockery, intimidation, and political repression. 

The invective-based approach of pop-conservatives is, of course, incompatible with individual liberty. How can anyone even appear to honestly support free speech while cutting off opponents in discourse, heckling speakers, and comparing – as Bill O’Reilly did – Rosie O’Donnell’s expression of her views as a private individual to Joseph Goebbels’s state-funded propaganda in Nazi Germany? It is my strong suspicion that pop-conservatives, were they to find themselves in a state of greater political power, would begin to openly crack down on the freedoms guaranteed by the First Amendment and would censor the media, publications, the Internet, and personal freedom of association. One needs only to read the rulebook of the private totalitarian tyranny pop-conservatives have established over some 600 full adults at Clearwater Christian College (CCC) to see what the same people might do if they came anywhere near governmental power. Indeed, the CCC already receives federal aid, which indicates that the pop-conservatives have influenced the government to use taxpayer dollars to fund religious tyranny.

How to Defeat Pop-Conservatism

Before pop-conservatism fatally undermines any attempts to preserve individual freedom in the United States, it is necessary to thoroughly reject this ideology on a personal level and to adopt operational practices contrary to pop-conservatism when promoting ideas and making policy recommendations in the public sphere.

First, it is essential to drop the attempt to gain supporters for freedom by abandoning those principles of freedom that are deemed too complicated for “Joe Six-Packs” to understand. The victory of freedom does not require Joe Six-Packs – but it does require the genuine understanding of the principles and values of liberty by every intelligent, thinking person of every social, cultural, and ethnic background. The localism, particularism, and identity politics of pop-conservatism must be rejected in favor of a cosmopolitan approach that emphasizes universally valid economic, political, and moral truths. True champions of freedom must be tolerant of all individuals who do not initiate force against others; instead of labeling people as “the enemy” or “the other,” friends of liberty must reach out to those who have not been exposed to the principles of freedom or disagree with those principles – and attempt to persuade such individuals through genuine argumentation and without any displays of personal contempt or prejudice. Moreover, these truths must be argued for using only reason and evidence not appeals to faith, fiat authority, or group affiliation.

In particular, the religious arguments for liberty – while they may be effective in showing particular religious groups that freedom is consistent with their faith – should not be claimed to be the only valid or proper arguments. This alienates an enormous constituency of atheists, agnostics, and “softly” religious persons who – by the fundamental contents of their worldviews – would necessarily reject the religious arguments. Pop-conservatives have done liberty a great disservice by spending much of their time attacking secular arguments for freedom instead of genuinely trying to liberalize political institutions.

Most importantly, adherence to principle must always trump perceived considerations of expediency – however skillfully couched in rhetorical or populist appeal those might be. A principled approach is not an approach that is devoid of incrementalism – but it must always insist on movement in the right direction. While a principled friend of liberty might be willing to settle for a slight reduction in government power now in hopes of achieving a greater reduction in the future, he would never advocate an increase in government powers which are antithetical to individual freedom. The pop-conservatives have been notorious for promising only to increase government power a little less than those on the Left – and have often in practice increased it by a much a greater extent. The pop-conservative attitude that “this time is different” and free-market principles somehow magically do not hold ought to be rejected.

The task of defeating pop-conservatism falls on serious libertarians and serious conservatives alike. If, through the defeat of pop-conservatism, it becomes possible to establish strong internal solidarity in favor of liberty among its self-proclaimed friends, then the external threats to liberty will be much easier to confront.

­­___________

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Mar 28 2009

“Light Up the World for Humans” by Edward Hudgins - The Rational Argumentator

The Rational Argumentator

A Journal for Western Man

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Light Up the World for Humans

Edward Hudgins

Issue CXC - March 28, 2009

Recommend this page.

Environmentalists worldwide are urging people to turn off all their lights for one hour on Saturday, March 28 at 8:30pm local time. “Switching off your lights is a vote for Earth, or leaving them on is a vote for global warming,” declares the “Earth Hour” website.

Much has been written about the questionable science behind the fear of global warming. Some, but not enough, has been written about the immediate and terrible harm to human beings that the policies to combat warming would produce, compared to the highly speculative harm attributed to the warming itself.

Earth Hour in fact demonstrates how evil ideas, wrapped in soft symbolism, can kill. And it demonstrates how only a morality of rational self-interest can sustain life on earth.

Earth vs. humans

Consider the stated purpose of Earth Hour. It’s not to offer us the sensible suggestion that we turn our lights off when we’re not in a room in order to lower our electric bills. That’s an appeal for individual human beings to act in their own self-interest. A “vote for Earth” assumes that the Earth has an intrinsic “Mother-Nature” value of its own, apart and distinct from its value to us human beings.

It’s not that forests are of value to us because we humans can take pleasant walks in them or use them for lumber to build our houses. It’s that forests have rights; icebergs have rights; swamps have rights; mosquitoes have rights; dirt has rights.

Ideas have a logic of their own that implies actions, for good or ill, sometimes contrary to the stated intentions of those who hold those ideas. Believe that there is a “superior” Aryan race and that another group - Jews - is responsible for the world’s misery, and to the extent that this idea dominates individuals and cultures, you get a Holocaust.

Believe that the Earth has intrinsic value, and what do you get?

You get a new asceticism, a new Puritanism. You get individuals and a culture obsessed with the need to do without. You get guilt for all those “consumer goods” that allow us to enhance our own lives, because those goods require us to cut trees, extract minerals, burn fuel, and generally use the Earth for our own pleasure.

It leads individuals to see their own lives as a burden on the Earth. And what’s the logic of this line of thinking? Suicide!

Selling Suicide

Think this is an exaggeration?

Jonathon Porritt, an environmental adviser to British Prime Minister Gordon Brown, argues that his country should aim to cut its population in half, by 30 million, in order to build a “sustainable” society.

To begin with, the concept of “sustainable” as used by most environmentalists is a ludicrous non-sequitur. There is no limit to how many humans can be “sustained” because there are unimaginable amounts of energy and resources in this universe and no limit to how human minds can discover new ways to exploit them.

But consider the implications of Porritt’s morally-obscene suggestion. Perhaps 30 million Brits should “vote for Earth” not by turning off a light switch but, rather, by putting guns in their mouths, taking themselves out of the population pool, and becoming fertilizer for Gaia.

Of course, they don’t approve of guns. But there is a Voluntary Human Extinction Movement - check them out; they do have a website. They want to do away with their own species over time, but perhaps they can dream up more Earth-friendly ways for those individuals who want to act immediately to off themselves.

Over two centuries ago Goethe’s Sturm-und-Drang novel The Sorrows of Young Werther sparked copy-cat suicides among the impressionable, elite youth.  Perhaps in the near future parents will shed tears of grief at the self-destruction of their own children whose heads are filled by their schools, media, and governments with a moral poison that equates their value with that of frozen mud.

Coming after you

And don’t think the slow or even swift death that many environmentalist ideas imply will be a matter of personal choice. They’re coming after you. The public is starting to realize that President Obama’s “cap and trade” energy tax will lower everyone’s living standard and take thousands of dollars from the pockets of every family, as a sop to extreme eco-cultists. I guess this is part of Obama’s policy to force us all to sacrifice for some cause beyond ourselves - whether we want to or not!

Look at the obsession that so many now have with recycling. It’s become a holy sacrament. Jurisdictions are now making mandatory what was once voluntary, that we waste our time sorting through our waste. (I myself am personally sacrilegious and mix up my garbage just to screw ‘em!)

One British jurisdiction is using spy planes with thermal imaging devices to target homes that are using too much energy. It is right out of Orwell’s 1984!  The police states that are developing in the United States and the West won’t even have the pretense of the old communist ones that claimed to be working for the good of the people.

Shine a light

Two years ago, the first Earth Hour saw lights out in a limited number of cities. I wrote at that time that this was part of a growing “new cult of darkness.” Now the malignant virus has spread to the minds and thus practices of many others.

No doubt most individuals who turn off their lights will not see their actions as a choice of death over life. And the logic of bad ideas often is offset by other ideas, habits, and traditions. After all, few environmentalists actually live according to their own creed. Not many people actually try to surrender civilization with its jet travel, iPhones, Starbucks, and Whole Foods.

The only way to counter extreme environmentalist ideas about the intrinsic value of the Earth is with a morality of rational self-interest that recognizes human life and well-being the foundation and measure of all values. Proud and happy individuals would never surrender their lives on this Earth to this Earth.

Rather than turning off your lights for Earth Hour, turn them on; turn them all on. Let the creation of human beings shine out proudly!
————
Hudgins is director of advocacy and a senior scholar at The Atlas Society, the Center for Objectivism.

For further information:

Ayn Rand, “The Anti-Industrial Revolution.” In The New Left: The Anti-Industrial Revolution,” 1971.

*Edward Hudgins, “New Cult of Darkness.” April 2, 2007.

*Edward Hudgins, “Extracting Ourselves from the Wetlands Quagmire.” August 4, 2003.

Robert Bidinotto, “Green Cathedrals: Environmentalism’s Mythological Appeal.” The New Individualist, September 2007.

Michelle Minton, “Human Achievement Hour to Counter Earth Hour.” Competitve Enterprise Institute, March 19, 2009.

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This TRA feature has been edited in accordance with TRA’s Statement of Policy.

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Mar 10 2009

“Piracy is Not Theft” by Wendy D. Bateman – The Rational Argumentator

Published by G. Stolyarov II under Art, Culture Edit This

The Rational Argumentator

A Journal for Western Man

Principal Index *** Contributors *** Yahoo! Group

Piracy is Not Theft

Wendy D. Bateman

Issue CLXXXIX - March 10, 2009

Recommend this page.

Piracy is Not Theft

Note: Left-click on the image to get a full view of this digital poster. 

This diagram by artist Wendy D. Bateman is an excellent illustration of why the downloading of music and other media from the Internet is not an act of the same status as the theft of tangible property. Tangible property, when it is taken, is no longer in possession of its owner, who can no longer use it. When a work of digital media is copied, however, it does not diminish anyone else’s possession of the copies already in existence. Those individual copies still belong to their owners, who can do with them what they please. Intellectual property laws create artificial scarcity by restricting individuals’ ability to copy works that are freely reproducible due to their technical properties. Feel free to copy and distribute this visual aid as you see fit.

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Miss Wendy D. Bateman is an accomplished writer, thinker, artist, and graphic designer, who brings her immense talent and capacity for innovation to The Rational Argumentator and the wider movement for the advancement of Reason, Rights, and Progress. Miss Bateman uses computer technology masterfully to produce precise, realistic, life-affirming art. She has also contributed multiple essays to TRA and designed many of the magazine’s newer logos, including its banner and the New Renaissance top hat. 

See the index of Wendy D. Bateman’s art works. 

Recommend this page.

This TRA feature has been edited in accordance with TRA’s Statement of Policy.

Click here to return to TRA’s Issue CLXXXIX Index.

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Mar 09 2009

The Proper Rational Attitude Toward Traditions

The proper attitude toward practices that can be deemed “traditional” is neither to accept them just because they are traditional nor to reject them just because they are traditional. Each approach demonstrates a fundamental dependence on tradition that is simply unwarranted for a rational individual. A rational individual evaluates each practice on its own merits and rejects a practice if he sees a good reason to do so. On the other hand, he does not attack a practice if he does not see anything explicitly or indirectly harmful about it. In this way, it is possible to give all things traditional the benefit of the doubt in the absence of evidence. There are so many known dangers in the world that to fight anything else is an improper allocation of resources. Let traditions stand where they do no damage, but fight them with all of your abilities when they diminish human well-being!

 

Sincerely,

Gennady Stolyarov II

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Mar 08 2009

Why Are Happy Endings Popular?

I am quite fond of happy endings – in books, movies, plays, short fiction, and virtually any other creative medium. It seems that the majority of consumers of these media share my taste. Why prefer happy endings even if in real life there is no poetic justice much of the time, the good people do not necessarily prevail, and absolutely nasty twists of circumstance can destroy an otherwise promising situation – or even a good life?

Happy endings to particular episodes are indeed possible – although they do not always happen. One of the functions of good art is to show people what can be and ought to be, to paraphrase Ayn Rand. Many people’s lives are frequently dominated by some kind of tragic flaw or misfortune, and they seek – even if they are unable to recognize this explicitly – some kind of alternative, some kind of vision of a world where this obstacle can be overcome. Happy endings inspire individuals to fight sources of suffering in their own lives, whereas tragic endings can often only lead to resignation to a miserable condition. (On the other hand, of course, some tragic endings can be useful in serving a didactic purpose – instructing the audience as to what not to do in order to avoid undesirable consequences. But only a certain proportion of stories needs to have this role.) Even if one’s own life is not dominated by happy endings, one can draw on fiction as a way of seeing and working toward some realistic possibilities for greater success, safety, and prosperity.

Sincerely,

Gennady Stolyarov II

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